Sen. Pete Ricketts at ACC Conference: ’I Do Believe’ We Can Get Bipartisan Deal on Permitting Reform

June 29, 2026
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Sen. Pete Ricketts’ measured optimism about a bipartisan permitting-reform deal at the American Chemistry Council summit is more than a D.C. process story—it’s a reminder that the same regulatory thicket choking domestic chemical and energy projects also strangles domestic firearms and ammunition manufacturing. When every new barrel line, primer plant, or brass mill must navigate years of NEPA reviews, Army Corps permits, and multilayered environmental challenges, the result is exactly what we see today: constrained supply, higher prices, and greater dependence on foreign components. Streamlining those approvals without gutting legitimate environmental safeguards would let American makers expand capacity faster than boutique overseas suppliers can react, directly improving availability for law-abiding gun owners. The political math Ricketts sees—Republicans hungry for growth and Democrats willing to trade some process for “green” manufacturing incentives—could produce legislation that quietly benefits the 2A supply chain even if no gun-specific language appears in the final text. Industry groups that normally focus on OSHA or EPA rules should be mapping which obscure permitting triggers most often delay powder and primer expansions; once those choke-points are identified, a single sentence carving out expedited review for critical defense-related materials becomes a force-multiplier for the entire ecosystem. Conversely, if the deal collapses into yet another litigation-friendly statute, expect the same well-funded activist groups that target pipelines to pivot toward new ammunition facilities, turning every expansion permit into a proxy gun-control battle. For the 2A community the takeaway is straightforward: permitting reform is not an abstract infrastructure issue but a tangible determinant of whether American factories can keep pace with demand. Following the bill’s progress, identifying the committees of jurisdiction, and pressing trade associations to weigh in on timelines will matter more than another round of funding “ghost gun” studies. If reformers succeed, the effect will register at the reloading bench long before it shows up in campaign talking points.

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The political math Ricketts sees—Republicans hungry for growth and Democrats willing to trade some process for “green” manufacturing incentives—could produce legislation that quietly benefits the 2A supply chain even if no gun-specific language appears in the final text. Industry groups that normally focus on OSHA or EPA rules should be mapping which obscure permitting triggers most often delay powder and primer expansions; once those choke-points are identified, a single sentence carving out expedited review for critical defense-related materials becomes a force-multiplier for the entire ecosystem. Conversely, if the deal collapses into yet another litigation-friendly statute, expect the same well-funded activist groups that target pipelines to pivot toward new ammunition facilities, turning every expansion permit into a proxy gun-control battle.

For the 2A community the takeaway is straightforward: permitting reform is not an abstract infrastructure issue but a tangible determinant of whether American factories can keep pace with demand. Following the bill’s progress, identifying the committees of jurisdiction, and pressing trade associations to weigh in on timelines will matter more than another round of funding “ghost gun” studies. If reformers succeed, the effect will register at the reloading bench long before it shows up in campaign talking points.

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