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Marlow: Trump Should Not Sell F35s to Turkey, But if He Does, Blame Europe

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Trump’s reported willingness to green-light F-35 sales to Turkey is less about Ankara’s reliability and more about Europe’s chronic free-riding on American security guarantees. For decades NATO’s European members have under-spent on defense while expecting Washington to foot the bill for their protection; now that the bill is coming due, the same capitals that lectured Trump on “alliance solidarity” are suddenly aghast that he might treat arms sales like the transactional business they have always been. The irony is rich: Turkey’s S-400 purchase already disqualified it from the F-35 program under existing law, yet European diplomats who spent years courting Ankara now want the United States to absorb the political cost of enforcing its own rules.

For the Second Amendment community the episode is a reminder that export policy and domestic rights are two sides of the same sovereignty coin. When the executive branch can unilaterally decide which foreign governments receive America’s most advanced weapons, it underscores how fragile the principle of popular control over lethal technology remains. If Washington can be pressured into arming a NATO partner that jails journalists and buys Russian air-defense systems, the same institutional reflexes can be turned inward against law-abiding citizens whenever political winds shift. The lesson is straightforward: robust constitutional protections at home are the only reliable check against the same foreign-policy expediency that keeps threatening to sell top-tier fighters to questionable regimes abroad.

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